Jain Commission’s Report – The Foreign Hand
The Jain Commission’s final report focuses on a larger international conspiracy, and the CIA-Mossad-LTTE link, in the Rajiv killing
The final report mentions Amos Radia and Giorce Betchar as agents operating for the Israelis in India.
The report is not without its Indian angle. Startling depositions and intelligence intercepts included in the report indicate that Dr Subramanian Swamy and former Prime Minister Chandra Shekhar, in different ways, may have had prior knowledge of a threat to Rajiv but did not react in a “timely manner”.
At the same time, Jain appears to have pulled his punches in recommending any further probe into the charges against these two politicians.
What emerges finally is a picture of a well-networked international plot and certain key Indians, cast in varying degrees of complicity, who had ‘knowledge’ of the plan.
THE INDIAN CONNECTION
Justice Jain has devoted separate chapters to three key Indian players who are suspected, one way or the other, to have had prior knowledge of the assassination. Nothing definitive or conclusive here, but Jain has woven in intriguing loops of circumstantial evidence—quoted and contained in the annexures—around godman Chandraswami, Janata Party leader Dr Subramanian Swamy and former PM Chandra Shekhar. The three are bracketed, prima facie, as either having a link with those who allegedly conspired with the assassins or at least having been privy to the fact of a plot.
The link between Chandra Shekhar and Subramanian Swamy has been taken seriously by Jain in the light of Chandra-swami’s deposition: “I know Chandra Shekhar and Subramanian Swamy have been very thick for the last 7-8 years. Dr Swamy told me that I (Chandraswami) may persuade Rajiv Gandhi to make Chandra Shekhar the PM.” Working within this framework, the Commission has read much into the independent testimonies of a host of witnesses—wherever they overlap—and arrived at certain conclusions.
According to Jain, “From the perusal of various statements, it is evident that the relations of Chandraswami did exist, not only with Rao but also with Chandra Shekhar, Subrama-nian Swamy and O.P. Chautala. However, no inference of complicity can be drawn, although the surveillance at 10, Janpath and the statement of Saifullah may give rise to some doubts.”
Many witnesses have attested to the godman’s dubious links with international agencies. Ramesh Dalal, BJP activist, deposed that he knew “Shri Chandraswami has relations with the CIA, Mossad and the LTTE. He took the help of these agencies in assassinating Rajiv Gandhi…. In the core group of Chandraswami, Rajendra Jain, Babloo Srivastava, K.N. Aggarwal, Subramanian Swamy, Chandra Shekhar, O.P. Chautala and Pinaki Misra were there. The people of this core group used to meet Chandraswami in his bedroom. Chandraswami told me he had been financing the LTTE…”
As for Swamy, the Commission interweaves various independent depositions and pieces of evidence to flesh out his links with the god-man and international agencies as well as his role as an intermediary. The report notes that Swamy had made a trip to London in 1995 with Chandraswami—they both stayed at Halkin Hotel and the bill was picked up by the godman.
Going back to the period before the killing, Jain cites the then cabinet secretary Zafar Saifullah’s statement that “there were some intercepts emanating from Israel for information to Chandraswami and Swamy for Jaffna. These intercepts have not come before the Commission. If Saifullah’s statement is correct, then the intercepts would have thrown much more light on the question of complicity.”
THE report adds: “A serious doubt has also been cast by E. Velusami who has filed an affidavit before the Commission…” Velusami, then general secretary of the Janata Party in Tamil Nadu, had deposed that his party president had arrived “in the morning at Madras airport by a flight from Delhi on Sunday, May 19, 1991.” Elections in the state were set for May 26. “Swamy’s whereabouts became unknown on May 21 morning. He subsequently learnt he had spent May 21 morning in a hotel called Trident near the airport and that he had met some persons there….
It is not clear why he made this secret stay in Madras on May 21, 1991, that too, after suddenly cancelling his pre-settled programme of going to Delhi from Madras and without any information to his colleagues…” Swamy’s itinerary was confirmed by the personal secretary to the ex-minister, writes Jain. He gives credence to the testimony of Aziz Haniffa, Washington bureau chief of India Abroad, in which he states that “during an interview with Swamy, the latter claimed it was he who was instrumental in introducing the LTTE to the Israelis, which led to their training by Mossad.”
Similarly, former Rajya Sabha MP Rajani Ranjan Sahu deposed that in 1994 Dr Swamy told him and two others at the Tamil Nadu governor’s house that the LTTE was hired for the job. He claimed Prabhakaran ordered the assassination after entering into a Rs 100-crore deal. He also revealed that “one W. Anderson, first secretary in the American Embassy, was anti-Rajiv” and that intelligence officials had got wind of the plot. Jain, at the same time, seems to suspend judgement on the episode: “From the statements of Sahu, Jitendra Prasada and Rajiv Shukla, it is borne out that they happened to meet Dr Swamy in the drawing room of the Governor’s house and that… Dr Swamy spoke of the possibility of V. Prabhakaran having been financed for the job which might have motivated him for the assassination.
… If that’s what transpired on May 29, 1994, and if it has any bearing while taking conspectus of the view in relation to any conspiracy, this event can be taken into account but if examined independently, nothing would turn on it.”
However, Jain reserves some sharp comments for the Janata Party chief. “Dr Swamy cannot be believed when he changes his versions and when he is indefinite and when he does not support his version by any corroboratory evidence. The divergence in the statements of Chandraswami and Dr Swamy on the purpose of their joint visit to London in 1995 does raise suspicions.”
On the explanation of D.R. Karthikeyan, special director, CBI, regarding the international ramifications, Jain writes that it “does not completely rule out the possibility of involvement beyond the LTTE. If the SIT had investigated Chandraswami, Mahant Sewa Dass and interrogated Chandra Shekhar, Swamy, T.N. Seshan and Narasimha Rao, it would have helped the Commission….”
In the final analysis, Jain has shifted the focus from Indian players. But it remains a fuzzy piece of detective work. His conclusions are tentative, provisional—the report does not contain the last word on the killing, nor any actionable leads for investigating agencies to pick up. What impact will it have, beyond being a source of embarrassment for some individuals? That, like the core question—who ordered the Rajiv killing?—the final report leaves exactly where the interim report left off: an open-ended question.
The Deadly Duo
Crucial evidence linking Chandraswami to the Rajiv case went missing from Rao’s PMO. Outlook investigates.
File containing intercepted messages from foreign intelligence agencies, said to be addressed to Chandraswami and Janata Party president Subramanian Swamy, destroyed by senior officials in the PMO.
The crucial third category, say sources, contained wireless intercepts of messages from foreign intelligence agencies to Chandraswami and Subramanian Swamy. These were passed on by RAW to the Cabinet Secretariat. A RAW official confirmed to the Jain Commission that the transcripts had indeed been passed on by the intelligence agency.
What did some of these missing files have? Intelligence sources say one file contained intercepted messages as well as details of the movements of Subramanian Swamy and Chandraswami on assassination day.
It also contains a crucial intercept from Jaffna to LTTE operatives saying that funds had been provided for carrying out the assassination. It refers to a ‘godman’ having made the payment.
Interestingly, in a statement before the commission, R. Velusami, the then president of the Tamil Nadu unit of the Janata Party, contended that Subramanian Swamy had checked into the Trident Hotel in Madras while Chandraswami was lodged at the Sindoori Hotel owned by Apollo Hospitals on May 21, the day Rajiv was assassinated. Both left for Bangalore by car through Sriperumbudur before reaching Delhi on a special flight.
He told Outlook: “May I also state that Dr Swamy went via Sriperumbudur and stopped at the venue of the meeting, ostensibly to look at the role of Margatham Chandrasekhar—Congress’ candidate in the parliamentary polls, for whom Rajiv went to campaign in Sriperumbudur—in selecting the site. I declare that Swamy told me about the role played by one JP Builders in persuading Margatham Chandrasekhar in selecting the site (for the Rajiv meeting).”
Velusami claims he called Swamy’s residence in Delhi at 10.45 am on May 21 and Swamy’s wife told him that he was indeed in Madras. Recalls Velusami: “My efforts to reach him proved futile. According to senior party colleagues, Dr Swamy had an hour-long meeting with S.C. Chandrahasan, a Sri Lankan Tamil ideologue, at Hotel Trident before he vacated the room and proceeded to meet Chandraswami at Hotel Sindoori, owned by Chandraswami’s disciple Dr Prathap Reddy. While I could confirm that a room was booked for Dr Swamy on May 21 at Trident, I could not get any details about Chandraswami’s stay. Sindoori never maintains any document to show Chandraswami’s visits and he stays there as a personal guest of Prathap Reddy.”
Swamy has been denying that he was in Madras on May 21. But his Tamil Nadu unit chief has given details of his itinerary. Stated Velusami before the Jain Commission: “Dr Swamy admits arriving at Madras on 19.5.91. He admits travelling with me by my car and he admits that we had a halt at Kancheepuram and that I was his translator. He admits that I was with him at Salem at 8.30 pm in the evening on 20.5.91 and that I was his translator in the Salem town meeting. He admits that he was to return to Madras on May 22 and then fly to Madurai via Trichy and that I was to join him at Trichy. He is, however, silent on where he stayed in Madras on the morning of the 21st and how long he stayed there. But in the next paragraph of the affidavit, Swamy does a volte face: ‘On 21. 5.91, I was not in Madras at all or in Bangalore or indeed in south India but I was in Delhi’.”
He continues: “The issue is, while Swamy contends he gave a statement to the Delhi PTI on May 21, he is very vague about his time of arrival at Delhi. The facts are very clear from even the available documents. He was with me well past midnight on the 20th, which is actually the wee hours of the 21st. It takes six hours to reach Madras by road. If he had reached Delhi by any morning flight, there would be any number of records to show the flight and its time of departure. I have already given proof that a room was booked in Dr Swamy’s name at Trident.” It’s significant that there were several attempts to keep the conspiracy angle out of the ambit of a probe into the assassination. When the Chandra Shekhar regime, in which Swamy was law minister, appointed the Verma commission of inquiry, its scope was limited to investigating the security lapses.
The more closely one examines the Rajiv assassination case, the curiouser it becomes. For instance, the most significant evidence with the SIT linking the LTTE to the assassination are photographs clicked by Haribabu, the photographer who also died in the blast. The first pictures released by the SIT to the media showed three women—Kokila, a 15-year-old who wanted to recite a Hindi poem to Rajiv, her mother, and Dhanu, later identified as the human bomb. It was only after the DMK organ,
Murasoli , reproduced the picture with a caption—”where is the missing man”—that the SIT reproduced the full frame. The missing man turned out to be Sivarasan. No explanations were offered as to why the SIT masked part of the frame.
Ex-Cabinet secretary Zafar Saifullah told Jain of the Israel link
THE Jain Commission report contains the in-camera deposition of former cabinet secretary, Zafar Saifullah: “The third major source of intelligence is intercepts of messages exchanged between foreign sources. The cabinet secretary rarely receives copies of such messages but in the course of my interaction with some of my senior officers in the RAW, I had known of the existence of such messages. I am talking of Navy messages. One of the purposes of some of these messages was to convey some information to people based in India, for Chandraswami and Dr Subramanian Swamy. The indication was that these messages emanated from Israeli intelligence, i.e., Mossad. I gathered in the course of interaction with senior officers in the Navy and IB that the messages showed that Shri Chandraswami had strong links with foreign intelligence agencies, especially, the CIA and Mossad and Dr Swamy had a strong influence with the CIA…”
Justice Jain says Saifullah’s statement is of “great significance” as “he had deposed on the basis of knowledge gained by him while functioning as a cabinet secretary and while interacting with the authorities in the concerned intelligence agency.” The Jain Commission report says that Saifullah’s deposition establishes the link of Chandra-swami with Mossad and the LTTE.
Mossad in Sri Lanka & The Genesis of LTTE
In Sri Lanka, Mossad trains, arms, and equips both sides — through its Cambodian Zim Shipping empire, and through its holdings in South Africa — and perpetrates false flags whenever there is talk of peace. Mossad’s goal is to maintain the lucrative arms market, plus the local drug trade that helps pay for those arms.
When the Tamils started fighting the Singhalese for independence in 1983, the Singhalese President Junius Jayawardene brought in 50 Mossad officers to train his security forces at a place called Maduru-Oya. This was not secret. It was in all the newspapers.
From that point on, Mossad armed, trained, and equipped both sides. (Since the Tamil forces are smaller than the Sri Lankan army, the zio-media calls the Tamils “terrorists.”)
In 1991 Victor Ostrovsky, author of By Way of Deception, told Indian Abroad news service that Mossad brought many Tamils to Israel for training in 1984 and 1985. “These groups kept coming and going. When I was in Mossad, it was part of our routine job to take them to training camps and make sure they got training worth what they paid for, no more and no less. The Singhalese paid in cash.”
Ostrovsky said the arrangement for training was made by the Mossad liaison in India, who lived there under a British passport.
We know from sources other than Ostrovsky that shortly after the war broke out in Sri Lanka, Mossad approached a group of officers from India’s Research and Analysis Wing (RAW, which is India’s equivalent to the CIA). In July 1984 this inner RAW circle arranged with Mossad to send Tamils to Israel for commando training. Mossad paid the RAW team for this by setting up accounts for them in the BCCI bank. (More about this below.) The Tamil commandoes that went to Israel became known as the TELO. They are separate from the main Tamil rebels, known as the LTTE (Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam).
Meanwhile Mossad simultaneously trained the Tamils’ enemies (the Singhalese) in Israel, but did not tell the main Tamil army, or the main Indian government, or anyone else. In Israel they kept both the groups apart. Their purpose for this, as always, was to fan the war to a fever pitch, and make a fortune as the Goyim kill each other.
Each group had 60 members. Training started with a two-week basic commando course at an Israeli base known as Kfar Sirkin near Tel Aviv. This is a fairly large base, but on one occasion the two groups passed within a few yards of each other while they were out jogging.
After the two-week basic course, the Israelis took the Tamils to Atlit, a top-secret naval commando base at Haifa. Meanwhile Singhalese were brought in for basic training back at the Kfar Sirkin base. After the Tamils completed advanced training in Haifa, they were moved out, and the Singhalese were brought in to learn how to deal with all the techniques the Israelis had just taught the Tamils.
Mossad had to dream up punishments and night training exercises to keep both groups busy, so they wouldn’t run into each other in Israel. Sometimes the situation was hectic, but the Mossad agents were tickled to deceive the Goyim while preparing them to kill each other.
The Jews made a tidy sum training the Singhalese. Ostrovsky writes in his book By Way Of Deception that, “Israel charged each of the 60 Singhalese $300 per day, for a total of $18,000 per day. For a three-month course, Israel charged them $1.6 million. In addition, Israel charged them $5,000 to $6,000 an hour for helicopter rental, with as many as 15 helicopters being used in a typical training exercise. The Israelis also charged for special training ammunition. A bazooka shell, for example, cost about $220 a unit, while heavy mortars were about $1000 each.”
Apparently Mossad did not charge the Tamils, which had little money at that point. Instead, they regarded the Tamil training as an investment toward their goal of getting a major war going in Sri Lanka. Then they could make a financial killing off the physical killing. As noted above, the Tamil commandos formed an elite splinter group known as the TELO, which was separate from the LTTE. The TELO was tied in with the inner circle of India’s RAW (the intelligence agency) — unknown to the overall Indian government.
At one point the Jews worried because 27 Indian commandos also came to Israel for training, and the Jews could not let the Indians see the Tamils or the Singhalese. Therefore the Sayret Matcal took over the training regime for the Tamils and the Singhalese. The Sayret Matcal is a commando-recon group that executed the false-flag raid in Entebbe Uganda (1976).
So the Jews trained Tamils, Singhalese, and Indian commandoes, preparing them all to kill each other.
Meanwhile back in Sri Lanka itself, Mossad did everything possible to escalate the massacres on all sides into a full-scale war.
The Rajiv Gandhi Intervention
In 1985, Rafi Eytan, head of the Israeli intelligence agency LEKEM, was caught running spy Jonathan Pollard against the USA. Afterward, Rafi Eytan was sent to Sri Lanka to take over Mossad operations there. His cover was that he was an employee of Israeli Chemical Industries, which has operations in Sri Lanka.
By 1987, their criminal activities became so extreme that India’s Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi convinced Sri Lankan President Junius Jayawardene to sign the Indo-Sri Lankan peace accord, which gave autonomy to the Tamil areas in the north and east of the island. An amnesty was declared, and 3,000 Indian troops were sent as peacekeepers.
Then Indian troops started to confiscate Mossad arms. In 1987, the Hindustan Times reported that in the Sri Lankan city of Jaffna, the troops seized large quantities of arms with Israeli markings, meant for the Tamils.
The Israelis panicked, since peace would put an end to their arms market. The inner circle of the Indian RAW also became worried, since they were on the Mossad payroll. Worse, when Rajiv Gandhi drafted the peace accord, he demanded that all Israelis leave Sri Lanka, since everyone knew that Israelis maintained the violence there.
Therefore the Israelis (and perhaps the inner RAW circle) started plotting to liquidate Rajiv Gandhi. They also increased their arms supply to both the Tamils and their enemies (the Singhalese) against Ghandi’s 3,000 Indian troops.
In 1989 Ranasinghe Premadasa became President of Sri Lanka. Because he was a dictator, a separate resistance movement rose up against him among the Singhalese in the south. This was the JVP (People’s Liberation Front). They were not Tamils; they were Singhalese Buddhists.
Therefore Premadasa allowed Mossad to arm the enemy (the Tamils) in hopes that the Tamils would wipe out the JVP Buddhists, and also cause the Indian troops to leave Sri Lanka. Meanwhile Mossad committed a series of false flag murders, causing all sides to escalate into worse and worse atrocities.
India’s Prime Minister Rajiv Gandi responded by sending 97,000 additional troops.
By the following year (1990) Mossad’s false flags massacres had reduced Sri Lanka to a quagmire for India. Under political pressure at home, Rajiv Gandhi withdrew the army, but used the Indian Navy to completely shut down the Israeli Arms trade in Sri Lanka. In November 1991, the Indian Navy seized an Israeli ship carrying large amounts of arms and ammunition from Singapore to the Tamils.
That was the ‘breaking point’. The Israelis could tolerate no more interference from Gandhi.
For shutting down the Israeli Arms Trade, Gandhi was assassinated on 21 May 1991, along with 15 others in a blast.
Subramanian Swamy was a newspaper columnist on the Israeli payroll. After the assassination, he wrote numerous editorials saying the LTTE did it, which was a deception, since the LTTE (Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam) are the regular Tamil Tigers. The Tamils trained in Israel were part of a splinter group known as the TELO, as noted above. The TELO was connected with the secret inner circle at RAW that was on the Mossad payroll.
There are many allegations that there was no suicide bomber, and that Mossad set off a bomb, or equipped the TELO to set off a bomb for Israel. Certainly Mossad was involved.
And of course the slaughter continued in Sri Lanka, while the Israelis continued to make millions in arms sales.
The Arafat Warnings
PLO leader Yasser Arafat, through his Ambassador in Delhi, Khalid El Sheikh told that LTTE is planning to kill Rajiv Gandhi during his election campaign. Sheikh had met Rajiv on March 13, 1991. A week later he called on the Congress President with a letter from Arafat. And a fortnight before the assassination, he called on Rajiv yet again. Arafat provided details of the conspiracy to Chandrasekar when he attended Rajiv’s funeral. Then Foreign Secretary Muchkund Dubey, was also sent to see Arafat separately. In this June 1991 meeting Arafat confirmed the international conspiracy. William Carry, who headed a US Senate Sub-Committee to probe into the BCCI bank scam, had told that $ 84 million was transferred to the LTTE from their accounts. Carry categorically said that the money was used for the Rajiv Gandhi assassination. Senate investigations also revealed that Mossad, CIA and LTTE had accounts in the BCCI.
Five weeks before Rajiv Gandhi was assassinated, Yasser Arafat in Palestine warned him that a hit was planned. The bomb that killed Rajiv Gandhi was composed of RDX explosives thought to have been manufactured in Israel. The conspirators’ trial was held in total secrecy, and court records have never been released. No one knows what happened to the “suicide bomber,” or who was behind the assassination.
The shocking admission of Trichy Veluchamy & The Two Swamys
For what purpose did you meet Jain Commission?
May 21, 1991 night Rajiv was assassinated. The same day at 10pm, I called Subramanian Swamy, who was in New Delhi. At that time, I was with the Janata Party. It was a peak time for the election campaign, general meeting was to be held in Madurai, and he had to come the next day. Regarding that I called him by 10.25 pm to talk about it. He immediately said, “Are you going to convey that Rajiv has expired? I know that already.”
I could not understand anything. There was no communication facility then. Having confused, I called intelligence officials of Trichy and checked about it. “We don’t know anything like that”, they said. At that time we couldn’t confirm Rajiv Gandhi’s death. Bomb exploded at 10:10 at night… clouds of smoke… screaming… confusion… after sometime Jayanti Natarajantan seen Rajiv’s leg that found apart. She shouted at Moopanar. He came and searched along other bodies. Finally, to confirm all parts of Rajiv’s body, it took more than half an hour; he said that in an interview next day. So, only by 10:40 at least, the assassination was able to confirm.
In that case, how come Subramanium Swamy alone knows that earlier? Who informed him? He only informed the media first time that the assassination was done by LTTE. Investigation itself began next day. Why should he blame all of a sudden on the LTTE? All this made me to suspect. Not only that, after and before the assassination, there are several doubts on Subramanian Swamy’s actions. Mystery… Shock… all these made me go to the Jain Commission.”
How was the interrogation with Subramanian Swamy?
How did you alone know Rajiv’s assassination in advance? How did you tell LTTEs carried out the assassination? On behalf of the LTTE, Kittu gave a report from London that “LTTE is not responsible for the assassination”; in that circumstance, what’s the reason why did you inform the media that LTTE’s the reason? I asked similar questions. Subramanian Swamy said, “I’ve received the information from Sri Lanka”.
“The officers on the scene could not confirm. Tamil Nadu polices have not told with confidence. Central Government did not receive clear information. In that case, if Sri Lanka knows, who’s that person?”, I said him. He rolled his eyes. Similarly, the next day of assassination of Rajiv, May 21st, Swamy had a general meeting in Madurai. It was given great publicity in the newspapers.
“Where is the flight ticket you’re purchased to attend Madurai general meeting?”; on hearing this question, he got sweating. It’s election time. All airline tickets might be booked. He didn’t reserve such flight ticket at all. Reason… he knows the plan of Rajiv’s assassination. Terrible thing’s going to happen. Why to go there, he thought himself.
Not only that. Before May 21st, Swamy was in Tamil Nadu for election campaign. I was his translator. Then, he did not know Tamil. Before the assassination, on 20th, we’re staying in Salem. “We have not received the money for party expenses?”, the executives asked. Swamy told them, “If election happens, we’ll manage. Why hurry?”, he said. No answer from him on that incident when I asked him.
More importantly, on the night by 1′o clock, had a meeting at the Salem-Attur. “For an emergency work to be completed, had to go to New Delhi”, saying that he flown to Chennai. It happened suddenly. When informed that there’s no flight at that time, he said that he’d take care and flown in car. The executives’ car that followed his car met with an accident near Achirapakkam. Former MLA Gurumurthy, Salem District Rathinavel, Kanchipuram Ehamparam were wounded severely. Without minding them, he rushed to Chennai.
I rang to Delhi to enquire about it. If Swamy went there by morning flight, he might have reached home by 9′o clock. Keep in mind, I called. Swamy’s wife knows me well. She treated me as one of his family members. “What Veluchami… He’s there only… Why are you calling here?”, she said. I got confused. Immediately, I called his office. There also received same response. Thought that he might be in Chennai, I called Chennai. I called all friends of Swamy. Everyone said that he’s in Delhi. Swamy was a minister in central then.
Daily ‘movement report file’ is a must for the ministers. When asked about it, he said that it was missed. Reason is that Swamy did not go to Delhi on that day. In a hotel found near a famous hospital in Chennai, Chandraswami was staying secretly without any registration. Swamy was staying with him only. From there, they went to Banalore in car all the way.
One day before the assassination of Rajiv, activities of the two Swamis were mysteries. For all these questions, Subramanian Swamy had no answers. His shirt was wet with sweating. There was such a quiet silence. Justice Jain while looking closely at Swamy, without even disbursing the court, he stood up and left.
CBI Officer Karthikeyan and Ragothaman have said that the assassination was done by LTTE itself?
I object that. Only on the basis of my statements, Jain Commission said, “We have to investigate Chandraswami and Subramanian Swamy. They did not give adequate cooperation”. Accepting that, they created Multi-Disciplinary Monitoring Agency. But, that agency hasn’t called Chandraswami and Subramanian Swamy till date over last 20-years.
A girl was always with Subramanian Swamy then. Wherever Swamy goes to public meetings, she used to be there too. She belongs to an anti-LTTE group of Sri Lanka. That girl is missing after the assassination of Rajiv. No one knows where she went. I have given photographic evidence to the Multi-Disciplinary Monitoring Agency.
CBI officer Karthikeyan and CBI hearing officer Ragothaman have written and published a book; it’s all written based on the documents produced by the CBI. They themselves created it.
My confession, my suspicion and all evidences say “LTTE didn’t conduct this assassination”. It’s not that foolish organization. That was done by other militant group. Only that group has foreign conspiracy involved. My opinion is that everything was led by two Swamys!
Translated from ரஜீவ் படுகொலை அதிரும் உண்மைகள், dated 2011-06-21
The Bindi Affair
Trichy Veluchamy (former Janta Party member) raised the question of the dot/bindi on the forehead of Dhanu, reported to have carried the bomb to kill Rajiv, as an important clue.
In a photograph taken about 15 minutes before the explosion of a bomb, Dhanu with the garland standing near Sivarasan had no dot/bindi in forehead.
The bomb exploded body of Dhanu has a dot/bindi on the forehead. He publicly showed two images. Then he raised an important question.
It would be fair to miss a dot/bindi on a forehead after a bomb blast, if she had one. But if the dot/bindi is coming after the death, how that’s going to be fair?
Was that dot/bindi added to show that the killer is a Tamil woman?
Or, is that scattered woman body not of Dhanu?
Or, did Dhanu add dot/bindi after she’s photographed? If so, from where she got that dot/bindi?
He informed that at that event, a video was taken; it’s not yet handed over for trial by Home Ministry Secretary R.K.Narayanan; this case’s mystery is hidden on that.
Translated from ராஜீவ் காந்தி படுகொலை தனுவின் நெற்றியில் இருந்த பொட்டு மீண்டும் எழும்சந்தேகங்கள், dated 2011-09-03
Detective Desi Holmes
To cover-up his links Subramanian Swamy wrote a book titled The Assassination of Rajiv Gandhi: Unanswered Questions and Unasked Queries. If you’re a fictional murder mystery fan I highly recommend it to you.
However there is a brief analysis of the supposed claims of our Desi Holmes by A.S. Panneerselvan (Sleuth Without A Clue) if you did like to have a taste of it before diving into the World of our Desi Detective.
London runs cover for Terror in South India
This article appeared in the October 13, 1995 issue of Executive Intelligence Review.
Within ten days of Gandhi’s death, Sri Lankan President Ranasinghe Premadasa, who would be assassinated by the LTTE in May 1993, forced the hasty departure from Sri Lanka of British High Commissioner David Gladstone. The charge was that Gladstone, a descendant of the Victorian-age Prime Minister William Gladstone, was interfering in local election politics.
But he had also been criticized earlier for allegedly meeting with known drug traffickers in Sri Lanka. Gladstone, who had previously spent years in the Middle East, was a known British intelligence link to the Israeli intelligence service, the Mossad, which was involved in training both the Sri Lankan Armed Forces and the LTTE.
While evidence has never surfaced publicly implicating Gladstone directly in the murder of Rajiv Gandhi, Gladstone’s prominent profile in Sri Lanka points to the broader reality of London’s terror-capability.
A similar assassination was carried out of Sri Lankan President Ranasinghe Premadasa on May 1, 1993. Since 1984, the LTTE International Secretariat has been located in London. The official spokesman for the Secretariat is Anton Balsingham, an Oxford University graduate and former British Foreign Office employee. The group’s suicide-bomber division, the Black Tigers, which killed Rajiv Gandhi, is run by Pampan Ajith, out of LTTE London headquarters; another elite suicide-bomber cell, the Sky Tigers, which employs light aircraft, is coordinated by Dr. Maheswaran, also based in London.
Most of the marching orders for terrorist operations in the Indian subcontinent are delivered from London, via a string of LTTE publications, including Tamil Nation and Hot Spring, published in London, and Network and Kalathil, published in Surrey. The organization’s chief fundraiser and banker, Lawrence Tilagar, is also based in London.
A Global Strategic Impact
Non-Alignment movement smoothly taken over with assassination of Rajiv Gandhi
The government of India’s present disposition towards NAM does not appear to be too favourably placed. Contrary to the explicit declaration of Nehru in 1947 that “We do not intend to be the play things of others”, there are apparently quite a few at the helm of affairs in India today, who are not averse to India playing second fiddle to the United States. Some groundwork was undertaken for realising Mahatma Gandhi’s vision of a “One World” in the form of the “Action Plan for a Nuclear Weapon Free and Non-violent World”, which prime minister Rajiv Gandhi had placed before the UN General Assembly in 1988. However, after Rajiv Gandhi’s assassination in 1991, the government of India chose to tread in a different direction.
A country like India, one of the 3 prominent leaders of the Non-Alignment movement was smoothly taken over with the assassination of Indian Congress leaders, Rajiv Gandhi. Tito’s Yugoslavia was disintegrated and dismantled. Sukarno’s Indonesia was smoothly taken over.
As Indian Home Minister S.B. Chavan stated on July 26, 1991: “Rajiv Gandhi could emerge as leader of Third World countries, and the newly independent nations were looking forward to India’s leadership in the world. This was an irritant in the eyes of some countries, and the probe [of his murder] would have to look into this aspect, whether certain forces abroad could accept Mr. Gandhi as the new leader of the Third World or whether they wanted him to be finished. This issue has got to be gone into in depth, to find out who were behind the killing of the former prime minister.” For example, Gandhi had undertaken a series of diplomatic initiatives to avert the full-scale war against Iraq, which Britain’s Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher had led.
Second, the removal of Gandhi turned India’s ruling Congress Party into an increasingly fractured, leaderless group, eroding India’s political institutions and paralyzing India on the international scene.
In this context, Gladstone’s involvement in circles that overlap LTTE orbits—the LTTE’s Mossad trainers and local drug dealers—becomes even more suspect.
Chavan’s advisory was not acted upon, by either the Indian or Sri Lankan governments—even though the British Special Air Services and Israeli Mossad are known to have been involved in training both sides in the Sri Lankan civil war, which has claimed 128,000 lives since 1983.
Report by Shelley Kasli
I was told my article had reached one of the influential news channels in Tamil Nadu and they featured Rajiv Gandhi Assassination based on it. Only problem is it’s in Tamil and there are no subtitles.
In this article we saw how Mossad through it’s dubious activities trained both the Tamilians and Lankans and profited heavily from it’s enormous illegal arms supply to both the sides eventually destablizing the region that not only put the two countries on a collision course but also lead to the assassination of Rajiv Gandhi through it’s Indian stooges.
Another instance is how Mossad through it’s infamous front PR Agency APCO Worldwide has penetrated India through it’s base in Gujarat.
And now an ex-RAW official has filed a case unveiling a riveting story of safe houses for Mossad, fake firms and secret funds, buying shopping complexes and even producing movies.
By Way of Deception: The Making of a Mossad officer
Israeli Connection: Surprise And Shame
Translated from ரஜீவ் படுகொலை அதிரும் உண்மைகள், dated 2011-06-21
Translated from ராஜீவ் காந்தி படுகொலை தனுவின் நெற்றியில் இருந்த பொட்டு மீண்டும் எழும் சந்தேகங்கள், dated 2011-09-03
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